Israel knows no calamity is impossible
By George Will
WASHINGTON - Israel's critics, who are legion and who live
in safe neighborhoods, say Israel is being provocative. Actually,
Israel's being is provocative.
On one day Palestinian violence is said to have been provoked
by the opening of a tunnel. On another day the provocation is
said to be the beginning of construction of apartments. But the
real reasons for the violence are: Violence has always been part
of the warp and woof of Yasser Arafat's politics, and there is
no penalty for it. Indeed, in the eyes of the "international
community," Palestinian violence is proof of Israeli provocation.
No Israeli government could allow Arafat to veto the construction
of apartments on unoccupied land in East Jerusalem owned by the
Israeli state. That would be to make a de facto territorial concession,
conceding Jerusalem is redivided, with Arafat sovereign in part
of it.
Arafat released terrorists. Israeli intelligence says he authorized
attacks and the head of Palestinian Preventative Security organized
the Hebron riots. Friday a week ago, at a rally of 10,000 in Nablus,
a speaker announced the "good news" of the terrorist's
suicide attack in Tel Aviv, and the crowd cried "God is great."
An Arafat aide said, "The terror of bulldozers led to the
terror of explosives." What kind of peace can be made with
people who talk like that?
Arafat's recurring resort to violence refutes the premise of
the Oslo accords, which was that land was being traded for peace.
Something tangible - territory - has indeed been traded for something
intangible - promises, a liar's promises. Everything about Arafat's
repertoire - the violence, the rhetoric to Arabic-speaking audiences
about "combat" and "jihad" and capturing all
of Jerusalem, the refusal to fulfill the obligation to remove
from the Palestinian Charter references to the illegitimacy and
destruction of Israel - is consistent with the strategy adopted
in 1974. That is the "phased" strategy of founding a
Palestinian state from which will be launched the final attack
on a diminished Israel.
American diplomats who soothingly refer to Arafat as Israel's
"partner in the peace process" visit Arafat's Ramallah
office with its wall map of Palestine with Israel's borders erased.
Such maps are frequent ornaments of political and cultural programming
on Palestinian Authority television. Such maps are used in Palestinian
commercial advertising and as jewelry. On the main Bethlehem-Hebron
road there is a monument to the Palestinian "martyrs of the
Intifada" in the shape of a map of Palestine, including all
the land of Israel.
Israel lives in a bad neighborhood. One reason it is bad is
that the Palestinian people have had a long run of execrable leaders,
leaders who supported Hitler in World War II, the Soviet Union
during the Cold War and Saddam Hussein in the Gulf War. Perhaps
things will get better. Perhaps when a full-fledged Palestinian
state exists on the West Bank, that 22nd Arab state will be the
first Arab democracy. But would those who are asking Israel to
bet its life on that be willing to bet theirs?
Former Prime Minister Shimon Peres, when asked if Israel could
safely consent to be again, as before 1967, 10 miles wide at the
waist, blandly said Israel would still be, in effect, 40 miles
deep strategically because "all the land we give back must
be demilitarized." But although this Palestinian state does
not yet fully exist, it already is militarized with at least 30,000
well-armed soldier-policemen. Will the fully emerged state accept
restrictions on its sovereignty that no other nation accepts?
And who would enforce such restrictions? Should Israel rely
on a U.S. commitment? As Golda Meir said to President Nixon when
he suggested something similar, "By the time you get here,
we won't be here."
It is said that people hope vaguely but dread precisely. Modern
history has provided Israelis a dread that is the premise of their
statecraft: No calamity is impossible. So while the "international
community" will continue to criticize Israel for the provocations
inherent in its existence, Israel's riposte will be Meir's words:
Jews are used to collective eulogies, but Israel will not die
so that the world will speak well of it.
Washington Post Writers Group
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